Tag: #Okoi Obono-Obla

On May 22, 2025, I appeared on TVC’s Politics Tonight to discuss the recent defections into the APC and the concerns surrounding the emergence of a one-party state. The anchor asked whether I found it problematic that some politicians frequently move from one party to another. I responded in the negative, explaining that what we are witnessing is a natural phenomenon linked to Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape.

Democracy, like all living organisms, undergoes growth and transformation. In biological terms, human beings and animals begin life through conception, followed by fetal development, birth, and subsequent stages—toddlerhood, infancy, adolescence, young adulthood, and eventually full-fledged maturity. Adolescence, often marked by instability and turbulence, presents challenges that many struggle to overcome. Some successfully navigate this transition, while others falter. Similarly, Nigeria’s democracy, still in its formative years, is experiencing growing pains.

Democracy is a social science, situated between natural science and sociology. Thus, the fluidity we observe in Nigerian politics—what some interpret as inconsistency in political affiliations—is not cause for despair, hopelessness, or despondency. Rather, it is indicative of a system still learning, refining itself, and gradually stabilizing. At 25 years old, Nigeria’s democracy is akin to a young adult finding its footing. While setbacks occur, recovery follows, allowing progress to take shape.

Nigeria transitioned to democracy in 1999, marking the beginning of the Fourth Republic. Since then, the country has witnessed multiple peaceful transitions of power, including the historic 2015 election, where an opposition party defeated an incumbent for the first time.
However, challenges remain, such as fluctuating voter turnout, which dropped from 69% in 2003 to 35% in 2023.

This reflects both political disengagement and evolving democratic participation.

Additionally, Nigeria’s democracy has been shaped by its history of military rule, which lasted for nearly 30 years before the transition to civilian governance.

The influence of ethnicity, regional disparities, and economic factors continues to play a role in political affiliations and defections.
As democracy matures, political parties will likely become more ideologically distinct, reducing the fluidity seen today.

With time, Nigeria’s political landscape will mature, and its politicians will become more attuned to democratic ideals. The perceived instability today, often seen as erratic political behavior, will gradually dissipate. As our democracy evolves over the next 25 years or more, we can expect greater ideological consistency and institutional stability, fostering a more robust and enduring political culture.

@ Okoi Obono-Obla

Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Chief Okoi Obono-Obla, and does not represent TheLumineNews, its agent or the organization the author works for 

I align with the position of the APC Cross River State that there should be no automatic ticket for the National Assembly (Senate and House of Representatives) or the State Assembly in the 2027 general election. This means that any current member of the State and National Assembly who wishes to return must participate in the party’s primary election to nominate candidates for the 2027 general election.

This decision is gratifying because it will compel those Senators, House of Representatives members, and State Assembly members who have been “playing god” to seek support from the grassroots. This is the right thing to do, ensuring that every incumbent legislator has the opportunity to test their popularity and democratic credentials in a primary election.

It’s also a golden opportunity for them to face party members, present their achievements, and be evaluated transparently. Any attempt to undemocratically hand over tickets to state or national legislators who have neglected their constituents and deceived them with phantom empowerment programs and constituency projects will face stiff resistance.

The party is already experiencing internal turmoil due to the perceived failure to reward dedicated members for their loyalty and support since 2015. Any attempt by the party leadership to impose automatic tickets on members would be the final straw.

According to the Supreme Court, the national leadership of the party has the power to conduct primary elections for all elective positions, including state and national assembly elections. Nevertheless, it’s a positive development that the APC leadership in the state has aligned with the prevailing sentiments among majority party members.

Refusing to donate automatic tickets to state or national assembly members for the 2027 general elections is a step in the right direction. Anything contrary would likely lead to the party’s implosion. There are already signs of dissent that might fragment the party if urgent reforms are not implemented.

The simmering tension within the party, particularly from the defunct CPC wing, can be alleviated by shunning undemocratic means of nominating candidates for legislative branches at the federal and state levels in 2027.

@ Okoi Obono-Obla

Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Okoi Obono-Obla, and does not represent TheLumineNews, it’s agent or the organization the author works for.

Section 130(2) of the same Constitution further defines the President’s role as the Head of State, the Chief Executive of the Federation, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces.

The President possesses significant constitutional authority to address critical situations that threaten the peace and stability of the nation. This authority includes the power to declare a state of emergency, as outlined in Section 305(1), (2), and (3)(a-g) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended):

Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the President may by instrument published in the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation issue a Proclamation of a state of emergency in the Federation or any part thereof.

(2) The President shall immediately after the publication, transmit copies of the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation containing the proclamation, including the details of the emergency, to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, each of whom shall forthwith convene or arrange for a meeting of the House of which he is President or Speaker, as the case may be, to consider the situation and decide whether or not to pass a resolution approving the Proclamation.

(3) The President shall have the power to issue a Proclamation of a state of emergency only when:

(a) the Federation is at war;
(b) the Federation is in imminent danger of invasion or involvement in a state of war;
(c) there is an actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof to such extent as to require extraordinary measures to restore peace and security;
(d) there is a clear and present danger of an actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof requiring extraordinary measures to avert such danger;
(e) there is an occurrence or imminent danger, or the occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity, affecting the community or a section of the community in the Federation;
(f) there is any other public danger that clearly constitutes a threat to the existence of the Federation; or
(g) the President receives a request to do so in accordance with the provisions of subsection (4) of this section.

The Emergency Powers (Repeal and Re-enactment) Act 2018 also grants the President certain powers.

A common, although controversial, understanding is that after declaring a state of emergency in a specific area, a logical step might seem to be the suspension of democratic institutions and elected officials in the affected areas. The reasoning behind this is purportedly to facilitate the administration of the emergency measures.

It is often assumed that a state of emergency entails the suspension of the rule of law and the implementation of emergency laws or measures as stipulated in the Emergency Powers (Repeal and Re-enactment) Act. This is done to enable the appropriate and adequate resolution of the issues that triggered the emergency declaration.

However, it’s vital to note that suspending democratic institutions and the rule of law are serious actions with significant legal and ethical implications and must be approached with utmost caution and within constitutional boundaries.

@ Okoi Obono-Obla

Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Okoi Obono-Obla, and does not represent TheLumineNews, it’s agent or the organization the author works for.

The Supreme Court of Nigeria made several damning findings against Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara in its two judgments delivered on February 28, 2025. These rulings arose from the prolonged political crisis that has engulfed the state since 2023. According to the Supreme Court, Governor Fubara presented a budget to only four members of the Rivers State House of Assembly, which they passed, and he subsequently signed into law.

The Supreme Court condemned the Governor’s actions, stating that he behaved like a dictator, showing no respect for the Constitution, the rule of law, and principles of good governance. Furthermore, the Court held that Governor Fubara’s actions were those of a lawless individual, unbecoming of the office he holds, particularly given his order to demolish the buildings housing the Rivers State House of Assembly.

The Supreme Court also found that Governor Fubara breached the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria ( 1999) (as amended), which he swore to protect, preserve, and defend. Additionally, the Court held that Governor Fubara prevented the Rivers State House of Assembly from convening to perform its constitutionally assigned role. The Supreme Court lamented that, effectively, there was no functioning government in Rivers State.

Some pundits believe that Governor Fubara may face impeachment proceedings due to the Supreme Court’s findings, which constitute gross misconduct under the Constitution.

Gross misconduct refers to a grave violation or breach of the Constitution or a misconduct that the House of Assembly considers serious enough to warrant removal from office. According to Section 188(11) of the Constitution, gross misconduct is subjective and determined exclusively by the House of Assembly.

The procedure for removing a governor from office due to gross misconduct is outlined in Section 188(1-10) of the Constitution. Here’s a breakdown:

Step 1: Notice of Allegation: A written notice signed by at least one-third of the House of Assembly members, stating the Governor’s gross misconduct.
Step 2: Investigation: The House of Assembly resolves to investigate the allegation, requiring a two-thirds majority vote.
Step 3: Panel Appointment: The Chief Judge appoints a seven-person panel to investigate the allegation.
Step 4: Defense and Findings: The Governor defends themselves, and the panel reports its findings to the House of Assembly.
Step 5: Removal: If the panel’s report is adopted by a two-thirds majority vote, the Governor is removed from office.

It’s essential to note that the House of Assembly has the exclusive power to determine what constitutes gross misconduct, making it a subjective decision.

The case of Governor Fubara may be a litmus test to curb the magisterial and unconstitutional manner in which governors in the country have been exercising their powers, incurring the wrath of Nigerians. It is left for the Rivers State House of Assembly to decide the best course of action to take against the Governor, whose relationship with the majority of the members has been greatly strained.
@ Okoi Obono-Obla

The recent arrest of scores of illegal gold miners in Agoi Ekpo, Yakurr Local Government Area of Cross River State, after a fierce resistance, highlights the growing concerns surrounding illicit mining in the region . This trend, which has seen thousands of illegal miners from the Sahelian region of West Africa flock to Agoi, bears an eerie resemblance to the 19th-century gold rush in South Africa.

The Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) experience serves as a stark reminder of the dangers of mismanaging mineral resources. The ongoing conflict between the government and Rwandan-backed M23 rebels is deeply rooted in illegal mining activities in Eastern DRC. Rwanda’s government is accused of backing the insurgency to exploit the DRC’s mineral wealth, perpetuating a cycle of violence, corruption, and instability.

Similarly, in Agoi, the unregulated mining activities have led to tensions, environmental desolation, and concerns about the nexus between money laundering, corruption, human trafficking, and arms smuggling. To break this cycle of violence and instability, it’s essential to address the root causes of the conflict, including the mismanagement of mineral resources, corruption, and regional tensions.

The people of Yakurr Local Government Area, known for their farming traditions and rich cultural heritage, are caught in the midst of this chaos. The influx of illegal miners has put a strain on local resources, threatening the very fabric of their communities.

To mitigate this crisis, the government must take decisive action to:

– Regulate mining activities: Ensure that mining is carried out in a responsible and sustainable manner, with adequate safeguards for the environment and local communities.

– Address corruption and regional tensions: Tackle the root causes of the conflict, including corruption, money laundering, and regional tensions, to prevent further instability.
– Support local communities: Provide adequate support and resources to local communities, ensuring that they benefit from the mineral wealth of their region.

Only by addressing these underlying issues can we hope to break the cycle of violence and instability in Agoi, Yakurr LGA, and ensure a brighter future for the people of Cross River State.

@ Okoi Obono-Obla.

Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Chief Okoi Obono-Obla, and does not represent TheLumineNews, its agent or the organization the author works for.