Tag: #Okoi Obono-Obla

  • Obono-Obla Donates Books to Apostolic Secondary Grammar School Ugep

    Obono-Obla Donates Books to Apostolic Secondary Grammar School Ugep

     

    By Odey Xavier Ojeka

    A Renowned author, scholar and Former President Muhammadu Buhari Aide, Chief Barrister Okoi Obono-Obla, has donated a collection of books to the Apostolic Secondary Grammar School Ugep Management. The donation aims to enrich the school library and encourage students to develop love for reading and learning.

    During the presentation, Chief Obono-Obla emphasized the importance of reading and knowledge, stating that “knowledge is power.” He highlighted the significance of the donated books, particularly “Grammar of Lokaa” by Onun Ewa Ubi, which he provides insight into the Bantus and a brief history and explanation of the Lokaa language .

    The donated books include:

    – “Grammar of Lokaa” by Onun Ewa Ubi
    – “No More Secrets” written by Chief Barrister Okoi Obono-Obla
    – “Nigeria, My Country” also written by Chief Barrister Okoi Obono-Obla
    – “Civics for Nigeria Schools” by Patrick Ubi Mni

    Mr. Sampson Eno, a literature tutor, expressed gratitude on behalf of the school, thanking Chief Obono-Obla for his generous donation and commitment to empowering students through education.

    Chief Barrister Okoi Obono-Obla is a seasoned communicator, historian, activist, and erudite scholar who holds an LLM in International Business Law.

    His donation demonstrates his dedication to fostering a
    love for reading and learning among young minds.

  • Gov Umo Of Akwa Ibom State Is Certainly The Kind Of Leaders Nigeria Need To Take Her Out Of The Present Miasmas And Doldrum BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

    Gov Umo Of Akwa Ibom State Is Certainly The Kind Of Leaders Nigeria Need To Take Her Out Of The Present Miasmas And Doldrum BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

     

    His Excellency, Governor, Pastor Bassey Eno Umo of Akwa Ibom State of Nigeria, is an exceptionally good man and a true clergy man, leader.

    He is indeed a phenomenal and emerging Nigerian leader. He is humble,simple, and down to earth.
    He is also kind and help those who need help without minding where they come from.

    Today, Governor Bassey Uno will be visiting Ugep, Yakurr, Cross River State to commission a house he built for Mr Ubi Abam Obono.

    Mr Ubi Abam Obono is the father of Miss Arit Abam Ubi. Miss Arit Abam Ubi was an NYSC member.
    When she passed out of NYSC, she returned home smartly dressed and matched generically and majestically to salute her father smartly to thank him for all his efforts in seeing her through school.

    A bewildered Mr. Abam Ubi Obono emerged out of his derelict and dilapidated house to welcome his daughter with subdued excitement.
    Unknown to father and his daughter, the drama was recorded by a member of the household.

    The video went viral and caught the attention of Governor Umo, who instantly decided to build a house for Mr Ubi Abam Obono out of compassion.

    His Excellency, Governor Umo, is certainly the kind of leaders, Nigeria need to take her out of the present miasma and doldrum.
    Let give Governor Umo,15 gbosas!!

  • Obono-Obla Congratulates Sen Otu On His One Year Anniversary As Governor

    Obono-Obla Congratulates Sen Otu On His One Year Anniversary As Governor

    I heartily congratulate His Excellency, Senator Bassey Edet Otu, on his first anniversary in office as Governor of Cross River State of Nigeria.

    On 29th May 2023, Senator Otu took the Oath of Office and Oath of Allegiance as the 7th democratically elected Governor of Cross River State.

    I greatly rejoice with you on this solemn occasion of your first anniversary at governorship, which is an affirmation of the unity and oneness of our people in overwhelmingly voting for you as Governor in an election that saw your winning clearly in 15 Local Government Areas out of 18, and also scoring the mandatory 25 percent of the total votes cast in the three other Local Government Areas.

    Even with the massive devaluation of the national currency and withdrawal of fuel subsidies that brought unprecedented hardship, you have methodically and calmly restored some semblance of order to our dear State.

    You are also laying a great foundation for the State, and I fervently believe that the next three years under your leadership, the State shall witness great economic growth and development.

    Happy first year anniversary, once again to His Excellency! And to the People of Cross River State!!!
    Obol Okoi Obono-Obla

  • Nigerian Democracy Will Be Twenty Five Years (25yrs) Old On 29th May 2024: BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

    Nigerian Democracy Will Be Twenty Five Years (25yrs) Old On 29th May 2024: BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

     

    I vividly remember the 29 May 1999 because it is one of the momentous events that have shaped and influenced the national life of Nigeria that took place that day.

    It was the inauguration day of elected National and State leaders that were democratically elected after nearly 26 years of unbridled military dictatorship, in the country that resulted in the country becoming a pariah, among the comity of nations in the world.

    On the 29 May 1999 was a bright and clear day in Calabar, and everyone was bubbling with enthusiasm and joy, on expectations of the inauguration of Mr Donald Duke, the third president democratically elected Governor of Cross River State.

    I had mixed feelings; glad and apprehensive.

    As a young lawyer, I had taken an active part in the struggle from early 1990 to 1999 to end military dictatorship in the country, and return of the country once again to democratic civil rule, but was truly lost on what prospects democracy would bring to the country.

    On the morning of 29 May 1999 and in the company of my friend, the late Barrister Charles Duke, we went to U.J. Eusene Sports Stadium, Calabar, to watch the swearing into office as Governor of Cross River State, Mr Donald Duke, by the then Chief Judge of Cross River State, the Honourable Chief Judge, Honourable Justice Okonkon Ita (of blessed memory).
    Simultaneously taking place in Abuja was the inauguration of the second democratically elected President of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo at the Eagle Square.

    29th May 2024 will mark the 25th anniversary of the return of Nigeria to democratic civil rule.

    Nigeria experienced military rule first on 15 January 1966, when the military toppled the post independence civilian Democratic administration.
    The government of the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, was supplanted by the military.

    Major General Aguiyi Ironsi was to emerge as the Head of State and the Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces.
    The 1963 Constitution was suspended.
    Also suspended were all the paraphernalia of democracy such as the Federal Parliament, which then comprised the Senate and the House of Representatives.

    The military issued a decree also suspending/abolishing regionalism and replacing them with Group of Provinces, namely: Northern Group of Provinces; West Group of Provinces, Eastern Group of Provinces and Mid-Western Provinces.

    From 15 January 1966 to 1st October 1979, the military ran the political governance of the country for 13 years.
    After 13 years of running the country, the military decided to hand over to civilians in 1979.

    On 1st October 1979, a former minister and teacher from Sokoto, Alhaji Aliyu Shehu Shagari, was sworn into office as the first democratically elected president of Nigeria
    It also marked the transitioning of the country from a parliamentary system to a presidential system modeled after the American variant.

    Unfortunately, that Democratic experience was ephemeral because on 31 December 1983, the military struck again and toppled the civilian government.
    The military stayed in power from 1983 to 29 May 1999.

    The celebration of 29 May 2024 is significant in so many ways.
    Firstly, it marks the first time in the history of Nigeria, where a democratically elected government has run the affairs of the country consistently for 25 years in full stretch.

    It has never happened because the democracy that was in place before the military coup of 15 January 1966 ended and lasted from 1960 to 1966, just six years.

    I would not include the years from 1951 to 1959, because Nigeria was still under colonial rule, and even though its affairs were run by elected local officials, they were under the guidance and supervision of colonial administrators, who were taking fundamental decisions, from the colonial office in London.

    Nigeria’s democracy is young and I dare say, even embryonic. Also, democratic institutions in the country are also young.

    Expectedly, democratic culture, ethos, and values are yet to be ingrained on the people.

    25 years in the life of a human being is nothing but a learning curve and process.

    In May 2049, which is 25 years from now, democratic civil rule in Nigeria will have attained maturity and democratic culture and values more ingrained in our institutions, and people that will usher in economic growth, development and prosperity.

    I believe no matter how imperfect our democracy is presently, there is a glimmer of hope that it is better than a military dictatorship.

    Chief Okoi Obono-Obla

    Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Okoi Obono-Obla and does not represent TheLumineNews, its agent or the organization the author works for.

  • No Vacuum In The Leadership Of The Cross River State House Of Assembly BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA 

    No Vacuum In The Leadership Of The Cross River State House Of Assembly BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA 

     

    On 22 May 2024 ,something that startled political pundits happened in the Cross River State when the people were hit with the breaking news that the Speaker of the House of Assembly has been removed.

    However rumour mongers started speculating that because the removed Speaker was not replaced the removal of the previous speaker would not stand .

    There is No Rule in the Rules and Regulations of the Cross River State House of Assembly that says when the Speaker of the House of Assembly is removed ,another Speaker must automatically with alacrity elected to replace the one removed.

    The Cross River State House of Assembly is independent and indeed a sovereign.
    Its proceedings are internally regulated by the Assembly.

    Therefore the insinuation that the removed Speaker remains in office because another Speaker was not elected on 22 May 2024 when he was removed upon a resolution signed by 17 members is bunkum and constitutionally a balderdash.

    four and not more than forty members.
    Section 92 (1) and (2) (a)(b) and (c) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,1999 provides as follows:
    (1) There shall be a Speaker and a Deputy Speaker of a House of Assembly who shall be elected by the members of the House from among themselves.
    (2) The Speaker or Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly shall vacate his office –

    (a) if he ceases to be a member of the House of Assembly otherwise than by reason of the dissolution of the House;

    (b) When the House first sits after any dissolution of House; or

    (c) if he is removed from office by a resolution of House of Assembly by the votes of not less than two-third majority of the members of the House of Assembly

    Section 92 (c) (c) of the Constitution is very explicit,the Speaker stands removed from office if he is removed by a resolution of votes of not less than 2/3 of the members of the House of Assembly.

    In other words,the Speaker or Deputy Speaker shall vacate his office in three circumstances namely:
    (a) when he ceases to be a member of the House of Assembly;
    (b) the House sits after dissolution;and
    (c) If he is removed by a resolution of votes of not less than 2/3 of the members of the House of Assembly.

    Finally ,there is no vacuum in the Cross River State House of Assembly because the Deputy Speaker is still in office as he was not affected by the removal Speaker.

    Section 95(1) and (2) of the Constitution is handy and therefore comes into aid.
    Section 95 (1) and (2) of the Constitution provides as:
    (1) At any sitting of a House of Assembly, the Speaker of that House shall preside, and in his absence the Deputy Speaker shall preside.
    (2) In the absence of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the House, such members of the House as the House may elect for a purpose shall preside.

    In the light of the above,there is no vacuum whatsoever in the leadership of the Cross River House of Assembly presently.

    The Deputy Speaker will preside over the House whenever it reconvenes and a new Speaker will be elected there after.

    @ Okoi Obono-Obla

    Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Okoi Obono-Obla and does not represent TheLumineNews or its agent or the organization the author works for.

  • Governor Sim Fubara Has No Power To Use Executive Order To Relocate The Venue Of The Rivers State House Of Assembly By OKOI OBONO-OBLA 

    Governor Sim Fubara Has No Power To Use Executive Order To Relocate The Venue Of The Rivers State House Of Assembly By OKOI OBONO-OBLA 

     

    The constitutional crisis in Rivers State continues unabated with Governor Sim Fubara using all the apparatus of power at his disposal to ensure that the Rivers State House of Assembly is totally emasculated and does not perform its constitutional responsibility.

    After collaborating with three members with three members of the House of Assembly to secure an injunction restraining 25 members of the House of Assembly from sitting on 10 May 2024; Governor Fubara issued an executive order directing the relocation of the sitting of the Rivers River State House of Assembly to the Government House Port Harcourt.

    What is an executive order ?
    It is the declaration by the President or a Governor that has the force of law usually based on statutory power.

    The Constitution makes provisions for three branches of government, namely the executive ,legislature, and judicial.
    Each branch of government is a sovereign in itself and therefore independent.

    The pertinent question is : Is it within the constitutional power of the Governor of Rivers State to issue an executive order to relocate the sitting of the Rivers State House of Assembly to the precinct of the Government House, Port Harcourt?
    I submit that the executive order by Governor Fubara amounts to an interference with the legislative powers vested in the Rivers State House of Assembly.

    The Constitution vests the power on the Rivers State House of Assembly to regulate its own procedure.
    Section 101 of the Constitution provides that subject to the Constitution, a house of Assembly shall have the power to regulate its own procedure, including the procedure for summoning and recess of the House.

    I therefore submit that it’s the Rivers State House of Assembly that has the power to decide where it should sit temporarily in view of the fact that the House of Assembly was gutted by fire recently.
    It certainly does not lie within the plentitude of executive powers vested Governor Fubara to decide the place where the Rivers State House of Assembly should relocate temporarily.

    If the venue of the Rivers State House of Assembly is unsafe, it is entirely within the constitutional purview of the House to decide on what to do.

    The Supreme Court has declared that Executive Order 10 (EO10) signed by President Muhammadu Buhari on financial autonomy for the judiciary and legislature is unlawful.
    In the case of 36 States versus Attorney-General of the Federation, the Supreme Court declared that Executive Order 10 (EO10) signed by President Muhammadu Buhari on financial autonomy for the judiciary and legislature is unlawful and unconstitutional.

    The executive order of Governor Fubara is a dangerous precedent that must be thrown away into the waste basket of illegalities and unconstitutionalities.
    @ Okoi Obono-Obla

    Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Chief Okoi Obono-Obla, and does not represent TheLumineNews, its agent or the organization the author works for.

  • The Macabre Dance In Rivers State Reached A Crescendo BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

    The Macabre Dance In Rivers State Reached A Crescendo BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

    The macabre dance in Rivers State reached a Crescendo:

    It seems to me that the political crisis in the Rivers State branch of the Peoples Democratic Party between Governor Simi Fubara and former Governor, Honourable Nyesom Wike,has smothered, and the consequent eruption will possibly led to collapse of the executive and legislative branches of the Rivers State government.

    Already, the polarization between in the PDP has fragmented and factionalized the Rivers State House of Assembly into two antagonistic camps.

    27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly belonged to Nyesome Wike’s camp and two days ago in a darinh and deft politcal manoeuvring defected from the PDP and joined the APC.

    The Pro-Simi Fubara’s camp in the Rivers State House of Assembly is made up of only 4 members.

    On 13 December 2023, the purportedly to be a vacant.
    The seats of the 27 members that defected from PDP to APC were declared vacant by the four members Pro-Sim Fubara.

    However,pundits wondered how four members could take such a weighty decision when membership of the Rivers State House of Assembly is 31.

    The constitution says that the quorum of a State of Assembly is one-third of its membership.

    Therefore ,one-third of 31 members of the Rivers State House of Asssembly are 11 members.

    On 14 December 2023, the four members of the Pro-Sim Fubara’s camp purportedly convened and passed the budget for 2023/2024 financial year.

    The budget is a law.
    When a budget is passed
    It is otherwise known as the Appropriation.

    Section 121 (1) of the Constitution makes it mandatory for the Governor to cause to be prepared and laid before the House of Assembly at any time before the commencement of each financial year estimates of the revenues and expenditure of the State for the next following financial year.

    Therefore, the pertinent question is:
    Is it constitutional for only four members of a State House of Assembly to pass a law?
    Can a budget passed by 4 out of 31 members Rivers State House of Assembly (Appropriation law) survive a constitutional scrutiny for the passage of a bill into law as laid down by section 100 (1)& (2) of the Constitution?

    I certainly have my doubt.
    The affliction that has befallen the Rivers State has spread to the executive branch of government.

    On 14 December 2023, typically, of the scene in a movie, almost one-third of the members of the Rivers State Executive Council resigned their membership.

    It seemed to me that those who resigned from the Rivers Executive Council belonged to the Nyesom Wike’s group.

    Undoubtedly, there is a political cum constitutional crisis in Rivers State.
    This is the truth of the matter.
    It will take a sustained legal intervention to entangle and wriggle out of all the legal conundrums and labyrinths that crisis has caused.

    What has happened in Rivers State is reminiscing what happened in the old Western Region of Nigeria in 1962 when a crisis in the Action Group Party was the governing party triggered a constitutional crisis and politcal conflagration that led the Federal government to declare a state of emergency in the Western Region.

    The chicken has come home to roost!!
    Is history repeating itself?

    @ Okoi Obono-Obla

    Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Okoi Obono-Obla and does not represent TheLumineNews or its agent.

  • Why The Next Governor Of Kano State is Dr Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA 

    Why The Next Governor Of Kano State is Dr Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA 

     

    I always advised social media denizens or even people who don’t know the mechanics and intricacies of the law not to comment on it. issues concerning judgments of courts or law or election tribunals.

    But the age of techno apologies to Wole Soyinka has made it possible for everybody to become a lawyer and attempt to interpret judgments of courts even without reading them to digest the reasoning of the judges; to evaluate how they assess the evidence adduced by both parties during trial.

    After evaluating the evidence he put it into the mythical scale of justice he holds in his right to weight, and you see which side the scale tilts.

    After that, the judge will apply the law to those facts before he delivers his judgment.

    When you read the judgment of the tribunal and that of the court of Appeal and grasp it well you will see the predilection of politicians to be so desperate for power that most times they disregard rules, regulations and the law with recklessly abandoning all decency, all in a frenzied bid to grab power by all means.

    Then when they reach the cul de sac they expect judges to close their eyes to their murder of the law and proceed to use sentiments to wriggle them out.

    But judges are blind to public opinion sentiment and emotional outbursts of the social media mobbers.

    Governor Kabir Yusuf was a member of the PDP and a governorship aspirant in the party. Kano State.

    When it dawned on him that he would not grab the party ticket he recklessly and quickly made a volte-face and hurriedly joined the NNPP and grabbed its ticket.
    He didn’t know that APC political intelligence was scooping him to gather hard evidence against him.

    By the time Governor Yusuf was purportedly given a ticket by NNPP; the period prescribed by the Electoral Act for political parties to submit the list of their candidates to INEC had closed.

    What is the implication of all this?

    Simple; at the time Governor Kabir Yusuf purportedly joined NNPP and filed his nomination under its platform, he was not a member of the party.

    Membership in a political party is a must for anybody who wants to be a governor of a State and is indeed a fundamental constitutional requirement he must fulfil.

    Section 177 (1)(c) of the constitution makes it obligatory for someone to be a member of a political party that wants to sponsor his election.

    This is the provision of the constitution that Governor Kabir Yusuf NNPP brazenly and with ignominy breached which the Court of Appeal found against him.

    Governor Yusuf and NNPP had a bad case.
    Even at the Tribunal, they called one witness. This witness strangely told the Tribunal that it should use all the documents rendered by INEC to decide the case!!

    The documents tendered by INEC demonstrated that the results sheets were not stamped and signed by presiding officers at more than 16,000 polling stations.

    That will amount to a sheer waste of precious judicial time to appeal this judgment to the Supreme Court.

    The Supreme Court is an appellate court and ordinarily would not substitute its findings with those of the trial court and intermediate appellate court save in rare cases.

    The Supreme Court will not disregard the findings made by a trial court that hears the case, or observe the demeanour of the witnesses during cross-examination save in exceptional circumstances.

    I have not seen any exceptional. circumstances that will cause the Supreme Court to do otherwise in the case of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf & NNPP versus INEC & APC!
    Governor Kabir Yusuf and NNPP should just throw in the towel, period.

    @ Okoi Obono-Obla

    Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Okoi Obono-Obla and does not represent TheLumineNews or its agent.

  • PDP’s Electoral Debacle In Plateau State: A Case Of Violent Non-fit Injuria BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

    PDP’s Electoral Debacle In Plateau State: A Case Of Violent Non-fit Injuria BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

     

    It is funny that Nigerian political parties don’t learn from precedents that the courts have laid down; on how they should manage and administer their affairs with decorum orderliness and in
    accordance with the dictates of the rule of law and due process.

    Why would the PDP brazenly disobey a court order issued by the High Court restraining a Caretaker Committee (which the court has declared illegal) from conducting primaries to nominate its candidates for the general election?

    The law is that a court order must be obeyed no matter how you feel about it.

    A court order stands till it is set aside by the court that issued or or an appellate court.

    The law also says that if a party disobeys a court order the court should shut its door against that party.

    The Consequences of the Refusal or Failure or Neglect of the PDP to obey a Court order that its Caretaker Committee should not conduct Primaries to nominate its candidates is what is responsible for the debacle that played out in Plateau State.

    You would recall that in 2019 the same scenario was enacted in Zamfara State when APC lost all its elected positions because the Party broke into two irreconcilable factions namely Abdul Aziz Yari and Senator Kabiru Marafa Factions.

    These two factions presented two lists of candidates to INEC and INEC became confused and consequently refused to accept the list from these two facts.

    The Abdul Aziz Yari faction had held its primary election.

    Subsequently, it was presented to the National Headquarters of APC a list of candidates elected from the primaries conducted but was refused.

    The Abdul Aziz faction forwarded the list to INEC which accepted it but refused to process it.

    INEC then used the sledgehammer on APC and banned APC from fielding a list of the names of its candidates for failure to comply with the deadlines stipulated by the Electoral Act.

    What ensued was the filing of different lawsuits by the two irrevocable factions of Zamfara State in different courts in a fight to finish posturing.

    The Abdul Aziz Yari faction filed an action at the Zamfara High Court challenging the decision of INEC to refuse the list of candidates submitted and the banning of the Party from participating in the general election.

    On the other, Senator Kabiru Marafa’s faction approached the Federal High Court to challenge the validity of the primaries conducted by the Abdul Aziz Yari faction.

    On 29 January 2019, the Zamfara High Court and the Federal High Court delivered their judgments.

    The Federal High Court held that the APC did not conduct a valid primary election.

    It ordered INEC not to accept the list of names submitted by INEC for the 2019 general elections.

    On the other hand, the Zamfara State High Court held that the primaries conducted by the Abdul Aziz Yari faction were valid and ordered INEC to accept the list of names submitted by it to enable it to participate in the 2019 general elections.

    Both parties filed appeal and counter-appeal concerning the two judgments delivered by the Federal High Court and Zamfara High Court respectively.

    On 21 February 2029, the Court of Appeal Abuja delivered its judgment and ordered INEC to accept the list of candidates presented by Abdul Aziz Yari’s faction.
    INEC complied with the Order issued by the Court of Appeal Abuja and allowed APC to participate in the general elections.

    This led to the emergence of Idris as the APC governorship candidate to face Bello Mutawalle of the PDP.

    Senator Kabiru Marafa’s faction of APC continued with its case at the Court of Appeal Sokoto.

    On 19 March 2019, the Court of Appeal Sokoto delivered its judgment nullifying the primaries conducted by Abdul Aziz Yari’s faction of APC.

    It also declared that all the election results won by candidates produced by the Abdul Aziz Yari faction in the 2019 general elections were invalid.

    The APC national headquarters in a panicky move filed an appeal in the Supreme Court seeking recognition of the judgment of the Zamfara State High Court in favour of the Abdul Aziz Yari faction.

    The Supreme Court dismissed the appeal and held that the Primaries conducted by the APC Zamfara State were void.

    The Supreme Court further held the primaries conducted by the Abdul Aziz faction of APC Zamfara State were held in violation of the APC Constitution, the Electoral Act and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.

    The Supreme Court held that all the votes cast by the electorate in Zamfara State for the Governorship, National and State Assemblies were wasted votes.

    The Supreme Court ordered that all the candidates presented by the Party that took second position in the general elections and met the required constitutional spread should be declared the winner.

    Consequently, INEC declared PDP candidates as the winner of the general election in Zamafara State and proceeded to issue certificates of recognition to them.

    This is how APC lost Xamfara State in the 2019 general elections.

    One would have thought the ugly and sad experience suffered by APC in 2019 would guide PDP when the confusion and lawlessness engulfed its Plateau State chapter in 2023.
    In this case who is to take the blame?
    Volenti non-fit injuria(to a willing person, it is not wrong).
    @ Okoi Obono-Obla

    Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Okoi Obono-Obla and does not represent TheLumineNews or its agent 

  • Why The Court Of Appeal Is Right To Declare Dr Nentawe Goshwe As The Winner Of The Plateau Syste Governorship Election BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

    Why The Court Of Appeal Is Right To Declare Dr Nentawe Goshwe As The Winner Of The Plateau Syste Governorship Election BY OKOI OBONO-OBLA

     

    I was reading a post and reactions on Facebook to a story written by Daily Trust Newspaper online concerning the judgment of the Court of Appeal Abuja in the Plateau State Gubernatorial tussle between Dr Nentawe Goshwe of the APC and Mutfwang of the PDP delivered on 19 November 2023; which declared Dr Nentawe Goshwe as the winner of the plateau State governorship election held on 25 March 2023.

    I felt despondent about the castigation of the judiciary by those who do not understand a whiff of the mechanics and intricacies of how the law works.

    Almost 80 % of the commentators were heaping insults and invectives on how the judiciary has been compromised.

    They were suggesting that the judgment was wrong because the Supreme Court had ruled that the nomination of candidates is a pre-election matter; and that the election tribunal does not have jurisdiction to entertain.

    They wondered therefore why the case of the case of Governor Caleb Mutfwang was an exception.

    I, therefore have undertaken the responsibility of writing this essay to demonstrate to the reading public the differences between the cases of Dr.
    Nentawe Goshwe and Mutwang; and Peter Obi, Labour Party, Atiku Abubakar & PDP against INEC, President Bola Tinubu; Senator Kashim Shettima, and APC.

    In Caleb Mutfwang’s case, the PDP in Plateau State was enmeshed in a factional and leadership crisis that culminated in a High Court action by one of the factions.

    The High Court issued an order restraining the caretaker committee set up by PDP in Plateau State y from conducting primaries to nominate candidates for all elective offices including the governorship.

    Caleb Mutfwang belonged to a faction of the PDP which the caretaker committee was disposed to.
    However, PDP violated the court order that a valid congress be conducted in the 17 local government areas of the State, by conducting congress in only five local government areas of Plateau State.

    In law, the plaintiff claims that the court will look to ascertain whether or not it has jurisdiction.

    When Dr. Nentawe Goshwe crunched his reliefs in his petition his lawyers crafted them creatively to confer jurisdiction on the election tribunal.

    Dr. Goshwe premised his case on Caleb Mutfwang and PDP breached section 177 of the Constitution.

    Section 177 (1) (a) (b)(c) & (d) of the Constitution provides as follows:

    A person shall be qualified for election to the office of Governor of a State if:

    (a) he is a citizen of Nigeria by birth;

    (b) he has attained the age of thirty-five years;

    (c) he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party; and

    (d) he has been educated up to at least a School Certificate level or its equivalent.

    In the case of Caleb Mutgwang, the Petitioners (Dr. Nentawe and APC) grounded their petition on section 177(1) (d) of the Constitution which stipulates that a person shall not be qualified to be Governor of a State unless he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by a political party.

    It is glaring that Caleb Mutfwang was not sponsored by a political party because the primaries that produced the candidate of PDP were conducted by an illegal caretaker committee which the court had restrained but in flagrant disobedience of the court order went ahead to conduct.

    APC and its candidate Dr. Nentawe Goshwe also anchored their petition on section 134, subsection (1)(a)(b)(c)& (d) of the Electoral Act 2022.

    Section 134, subsection (1)(a)(b)(c)& (d) of the Electoral Act 2022 provides that an election may be questioned on any of the following grounds :

    (a) a person whose election was questioned at that time of the election is not qualified to contest the election ;

    (b) the election was invalid because of corrupt practices or noncompliance with the provisions of the Act or

    (c) the respondent was not elected by a majority of lawful votes cast at the election.

    Therefore the construction of section 177 (1) (a) (b) (c) of the 1999 constitution and section 134 (1) (a) of the Electoral Act 2022 confers jurisdiction on the Election Tribunal to hand a petition that contains an admixture of pre-election and post-election as in the Petition filed by APC and Dr Nentawe Goshwe.
    The Court of Appeal was therefore right to so hold.

    In Peter Obi, Labour Party, Atiku Abubakar & PDP against INEC, President Bola Tinubu, Senator Kashim Shettima, and APC, it was the nomination of Senator Kashim Shettima, the vice presidential candidate of the APC that was challenged by the Petitioners.

    The petitioners in their petition have challenged the nomination of Senator Shettima because he was already a senatorial candidate at the time he was nominated by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to be his vice presidential running mate.

    The Supreme Court held that Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar have no locus standing to challenge the nomination of Senator Shettima because they are not members of the APC.

    The Supreme Court also held in the circumstances of that case, nomination was a pre-election matter that the Petitioners could not incorporate in a post-election litigation.

    In light of the above, it is clear that the facts and circumstances of Peter Obi, Labour Party, Atiku Abubakar & PDP against INEC, President Bola Tinubu, Senator Kashim Shettima, and APC on one hand and INEC, APC & Dr Nentawe Goshwe and Caleb Mutfwang and PDP are diametrical not the same.

    When the facts and circumstances of two cases are dissimilar the principle of stare decisis( which means in Latin stand by things decided) (judicial precedent) cannot be applicable.

    When a court faces a legal argument, if a previous court has ruled on the same or a closely related issue, then the court will make its decision in alignment with the previous court’s decision.

    I, therefore urge lay people who don’t know a scintilla of thing about law to spare us their jaundiced interpretation of court judgments and desist from painting the judiciary in bad light.
    They should also know that emotion and sentiments have no place in judicial deliberations.

    This is why Lady Justice is blind while holding the sword in her left hand and the scale in her right hand ready to deal with anybody with ill will or affection that is brought before her.

    @ Okoi Obono-Obla

    Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in this article is strictly that of the author, Okoi Obono-Obla and does not represent TheLumineNews or its agent.